Since researchers investigate decision-making and judgment, there has been a fascination for the topic of intuition. Ancient philosophers used the term nous greek: noein to refer to the ability of human beings to grasp what is real or true. In this ancient definition, intuition is understood as a vehicle by which one can get aware of what one already knows.
As such, it may allow people to get access to pre-existing knowledge. Intuition further received considerable attention in the scope of psychoanalysis. Jung conceptualized intuition as a means by which a person can see the bigger picture. According to Jung , intuition strives for new possibilities in what is objectively given. Intuition is the vehicle that automatically operates as soon as no other psychological function is able to find a way out of a complex situation Jung, Along this line, for Jung, intuition is about discovering — a facet that still applies to current conceptions of intuition Bowers et al.
Modern social and cognitive psychology operationalize intuition as a specific product in which puzzle pieces are quickly put together. Intuitions result from information processes that operate fast, associative and unconsciously Kahneman, Prior experiences and their mental representations, build the basis for intuitive judgments and decisions. Thus, operating like a pattern completion mechanism, it appears that intuitive judgments are related to prior learning experiences and arise through unconscious holistic spreading processes Sadler-Smith, They are often experienced as if they had come out of nowhere and enable individuals to detect coherences and patterns Kahneman and Klein, Intuitions are typically described with the phenomenon of knowing something without knowing how Epstein, In order to directly elicit and measure intuition in the laboratory, researchers developed paradigms such as the semantic coherence task, a well-established experimental paradigm developed by Bowers et al.
In the semantic coherence task intuition is operationalized as the sudden perception or realization of coherence based on unconscious activation spread within associative networks Bolte et al. During the task, participants see triads of words.
Each word triad consists of three words, presented in a stacked format on a computer screen. Participants are asked to judge intuitively whether the presented word triad shares a common denominator e. The intuitive performance is reflected by the degree to which participants can differentiate between coherent and incoherent word triads without being able to explicitly name the solution word which would be indicative for insight and not intuition; Bolte and Goschke, ; Topolinski and Strack, a , b , c ; Topolinski and Reber, It has been shown that healthy participants are generally able to detect semantic coherence above chance level Bolte and Goschke, They know when a triad is coherent, without being able to explicitly name the underlying solution word.
This is even shown in experimental designs, in which participants have less than 3 s for their decision, a time window during which the operation of explicit processes is very unlikely Bolte and Goschke, Thus, the semantic coherence task operationalizes and measures intuition by assessing the activation of information solution word which is not consciously accessible Bolte et al.
According to the continuous model Bowers et al. Within the first stage, information spreads and accumulates. This results in the activation of an associated network. Because of its activation, the mnemonic network is processed more fluently Topolinski and Strack, a , c , which in turn is accompanied by subtle positive affective changes Topolinski and Strack, a , c for empirical demonstrations of processing fluency.
It is during this first stage, the guiding stage , when a person may experience the feeling of coherence — an intuition Bowers et al. If the unconscious activation spread of coherent information exceeds a certain threshold the initial intuitive feeling of coherence may evolve into the explicit representation of the solution. This second stage, in which a person can explicitly reason about the decision or action taken within the guiding stage, is called the integrative stage see Zander et al.
The theoretical conception of a continuous two-stage progress from intuition to explicit insight, allows us to hypothesize at which stage impairments may occur in individuals who have little intuitive capacities. For example, the inability to take decisions based on intuitive processing may be attributable to impairments at very early stages of the intuition generation process, such as reduced spreading activation within the semantic networks. However, it is also conceivable that intuitive impairments may occur because individuals are not able to make use of subtle positive affective cues, normally elicited by coherence perception Topolinski and Strack, a , b.
On a later stage, it may be that an individual has the intuition but does not use it because of low confidence in his or her decisional abilities. Overall, it becomes clear that the conceptualization of intuition generation as a two-stage process may have important consequences regarding further theorizing. For a long time, intuition was the black box of modern experimental psychology Catty and Halberstadt, and initial research programs in this field focused on instances in which non-deliberate, heuristic problem solving strategies lead to erroneous and suboptimal outcomes Tversky and Kahneman, However, within the past decades, research on potential advantages of intuitive decision-making has received particular attention.
Studies in the scope of the Naturalistic Decision Making Paradigm Klein, , , for example, demonstrated that subjects from various professional backgrounds such as firefighters, doctors, chess players, nurses, and judges use their intuition in complex situations and under high stress and time pressure. Especially in situations in which rational-analytical processing is not possible e. When large amounts of information need to be encoded, intuitive decisions bear better outcomes and lead to more diagnostic judgments than extensive reasoning.
A vivid demonstration of this has been shown by Betsch et al. In their study, participants were given large amounts of information concerning the numerical increases and decreases of five hypothetical shares. Seventy-five units of information were briefly presented on a computer screen. Even though participants could not explicitly tell what, for example, the average money returns were, they had developed a gut feeling of what the best and worst options were.
Subsequent studies bolstered the idea that relying on intuitive hunches is especially useful when the problem at hand is complex in nature Dijksterhuis, ; Dijksterhuis and van Olden, ; see also Wilson and Schooler, ; Topolinski and Strack, and that deliberate processes such as searching for solutions or memorizing may even impair decision-making performance Topolinski and Strack, Also in the context of social cognition, intuition has received considerable attention Lieberman, Studies that operationalized intuition with the semantic coherence task found that intuitive processing seems to be especially relevant for the enactment of affiliation motives Maldei et al.
Moreover, it has been shown that people are also more satisfied with decisions that were based on their gut feeling. In their seminal study, Wilson et al. Subjects could choose either intuitively or after thinking through the reasons why they liked or disliked each alternative. Results revealed that subjects in the rational-reasoning condition were less satisfied with their choice when asked about 3 weeks after the experimental session compared to subjects who chose a poster intuitively.
Reduced levels of satisfaction in the analytical group may have occurred because analytic processing typically abstracts from the emotional and personal meaning of a decision at hand Kuhl et al.
In other words, analytic processes reduce the complexity of a problem by breaking ambiguous information down to one aspect that is important in a particular situation Dijksterhuis, ; Kuhl et al. This is of advantage for logical problem solving but of disadvantage when the problem includes divergent aspects that need to be considered e.
For the latter problem type, intuitive decision-making seems to be advantageous. Also in the context of personality psychology intuitions that are based on holistic and associative processing sequences are conceived as highly adaptive. Low-level intuitions help people to execute concrete actions and typically arise under high levels of positive affect Kuhl, They are guided by a system called intuitive behavior control.
One of the ontogenetically earliest observation of such processes is the automatic imitation and contagion of emotional expressions in newborn children Meltzoff and Moore, So whereas low-level intuitions help to implement intentions and to enact automatized behavioral programs, high-level intuitions derive from what PSI theory calls extension memory , a system that stores all experiences of a person and that integrates new information Kuhl, ; Kuhl et al.
The extension memory operates on the basis of unconsciously operating processes of activation spread, which enable a person to effortlessly include a vast amount of information regarding experiences, needs and goals simultaneously into the decision-making process Kuhl et al.
Thus, high-level intuitions are conceptualized as feelings or hunches in which diverging aspects of the self can be integrated. Intuitions help people to reconcile many — maybe even conflicting — aspects of a decision at hand and lead hereby to adaptive and helpful outcomes even when a person has not explicitly thought about all relevant aspects.
Altogether, the foregoing illustrates that the ability to make use of high-level intuitive processes may lead to adaptive outcomes in complex situations and connects us to ourselves in an integrated manner. In the following, we will thus further elaborate our main assumption of impaired intuition in depression by referring to influential theoretical accounts and empirical demonstrations from basic psychology.
Even though — normally — intuitions guide us through every-day life, there seem to be psychological states in which individuals are less intuitive and therefore less able to come adaptive decisions without long reflections. On the one hand, research has focused on external factors intuitive processes may depend on, such as time pressure or complexity of the problem Klein, , On the other hand, there are intra-individual conditions under which it is more or less likely that people will use their intuition.
The question is thus, within which psychological states people easily decide intuitively and when they are blocked and unable to decide out of the belly. Because Major Depression is an affective disorder that is most and foremost characterized sustained negative mood, we will refer to empirical evidence from basic research on the interplay between mood and cognition in order to consolidate our assumptions in the following.
According to these accounts, associative, flexible information processes needed for intuitions to develop, are more likely to operate under positive mood. Indeed, it has been shown that positive mood makes individuals find unusual but reasonable associations and fosters categorizations of material in a more flexible manner Isen, The effects of positive mood on problem solving, flexibility and innovation are observable in a broad field of settings and among various populations Isen, Most importantly for the current thrust, it has robustly been found that positive mood fosters the activation of remote semantic associations Isen et al.
In addition, being in a positive mood makes it more probable to make use of feelings and intuitive hunches in the decision-making process see affect-as information theory; Schwarz and Clore, Converging with this, there are several studies showing that individuals are more likely to rely on their intuitions when they are in a positive mood Bless et al.
Thus, positive mood enlarges our thought-action repertoire, widens the associative field and makes us consider more and new information Csikszentmihalyi, As a result, individuals approach and explore their environment during positive mood states and consequently engage in activities Diener and Diener, ; Fredrickson, Negative mood states, in contrast, signal that the environment is problematic. This in turn narrows the thought-action repertoire Fredrickson, Consequently, more analytical and systematic decision-making approaches are selected and flexible processing needed for intuitions to develop are inhibited.
In line with this, affect-as-information theory Schwarz, , posits that negative mood states such as sadness foster cognitive analytic reasoning which makes individuals attend to few details rather than the bigger picture. Thus, whereas positive affectivity cues top-down processes, negative affectivity prompts bottom-up, data-driven and item specific processing Clore et al.
Converging with this, an influential study showed that in happy moods, participants match geometric figures on the basis of global similarities whereas in sad moods, subjects tend to match figures on the basis of local similarities Gasper and Clore, Consequently, it is assumed that intuitive processes are impaired during negative mood states, because negative mood fosters analytic reasoning. Baumann and Kuhl investigated the interplay between intuition, affect and affect regulation ability and found that intuitions of semantic coherence were impaired by negative affect in participants who reported to have difficulties to down-regulate negative mood states.
In contrast, intuitive performance was not impaired by negative mood in participants who were generally successful in down-regulating negative affective states Baumann and Kuhl, From a clinical perspective those findings are worth noting, as one of the main features of psychological disorders and especially Major Depression is the sustained experience of negative affectivity as well as the inability to down-regulate dysphoric mood states.
Thus, enduring states of negative affectivity as well as the inability to experience positive affective states may be aspects of depression that inhibit open and flexible ways of processing information needed for intuition. To summarize, the assumption of impaired intuitive processing during depression is substantiated from several different theoretical perspectives.
In the following, we will present three recent studies that have empirically tested the hypothesis of impaired intuition in depression. We will outline the study designs as well as findings of these three studies. Moreover, we will critically discuss the pattern of results and will then conclude which future studies should be done in order to further elucidate the interplay between depression and intuitive decision-making. The first study that has investigated intuition in depression Remmers et al.
Both samples were comparable in terms of gender distribution, while the depressed sample being slightly younger than the control group. To assess intuition, the well-established intuition measure described above, namely the semantic coherence task, was used.
Results revealed that depressed inpatients were less able to detect semantic coherence than healthy control participants. Thus, this first study on intuitive performance during depression supported the hypothesis of impaired intuition in depressed patients. Two follow-up studies aimed to replicate the finding that semantic coherence intuitions are impaired in depression and to generalize this finding to another intuition measure.
In their first study, Remmers et al. To generalize the impairment in intuitive processing to another intuition measure, patients further completed the visual coherence task Bowers et al. However, the tasks differ in terms of stimulus type as in the visual coherence task participants see blurred pictures instead of word triads presented in the semantic coherence task. One half of the stimulus pool is coherent because it contains distorted meaningful but very rarely explicitly identified pictures.
For the other half of the stimuli the pixel information of the coherent pictures is rotated to such a degree that no meaningful gestalt is preserved. Thus, coherent as well as incoherent pictures contain the same pixel information but they differ in their arrangement. During the task, subjects are asked to judge whether the presented picture is coherent depicting a real object or incoherent depicting no object. Similar to the semantic coherence task, it has been shown that participants are able to differentiate between coherent and incoherent pictures without being able to explicitly name the depicted pictures Bowers et al.
In their study, Remmers et al. However, findings regarding the visual coherence task were against the initial hypothesis. Patients with higher levels of depression showed enhanced ability to detect visual coherence. Notably, there was a near zero correlation between the two intuition measures across the sample. Similar to the study design of Remmers et al. Results revealed that depressed patients did not only perform as good as healthy subjects, but that they outperformed the healthy control sample in discriminating coherent from incoherent blurred pictures.
Granted that both measures assess the same construct namely intuition see discussion on this below , it may tentatively be concluded that that for depressed individuals, processes underlying visual and semantic coherence detection are distinct from each other and that only language-based semantic intuitions seem to be impaired in depression. Visual coherence detection in contrast seems to profit from depressed mood.
However, given the preliminary nature of these results future research should replicate these findings before drawing firm conclusions. The novel dissociation between semantic and visual coherence intuitions during depression raises questions regarding the differential decisional consequences of depression and regarding the construct validity of intuition measures.
Even though it has previously been postulated that successful performance in the semantic as well as in the visual coherence task results from equivalent processes, this assumption needs further investigation. For example, the near zero correlation between the semantic intuition index and the visual intuition index in Remmers et al.
Furthermore, the deleterious effect of negative mood on coherence intuitions has only been shown for semantic coherence intuitions so far Baumann and Kuhl, A core difference between the two tasks used in Remmers et al.
It has been assumed that — despite this difference in stimulus type — the two tasks measure the same construct, namely intuitive coherence detection e. However, the current pattern of findings regarding this capacity during depression suggests that the differences outweigh the commonalities between the tasks — at least as far as individuals with depression are concerned. First, the finding that language-based intuitions are impaired, whereas visual intuitions are not, may be related to empirical evidence showing that biased responses in implicit memory tasks are only consistently found in depression for tasks that require processing of the meaning of stimuli Watkins, Implicit memory tasks that require the attention to perceptual features, in contrast, are not biased during depression.
Referring these findings to the results in Remmers et al. Along this, line, studies using magnetoencephalography MEG to investigate neural mechanisms underlying intuitive coherence perception are worth noting in elaborating the idea that semantic and visual coherence intuitions may be distinguished regarding underlying mechanisms and processes needed for successful performance. Horr et al. However, there seems to be a striking difference in terms of temporal dynamics.
Whereas in visual coherence detection, the OFC is one of the earliest regions that showed differential activation Horr et al. In line with the foregoing, the authors point to conceptual difference between the two tasks. Visual coherence intuitions are specific to one sensory domain and based on low-level stimulus features which can directly be integrated by the OFC to a coarse holistic representation of the pixel information.
In contrast, for semantic coherence intuitions, higher-level semantic processing needs to take place prior or parallel to the spreading activation process that signals coherence or incoherence, because each word of the word triad itself is a meaningful concept that needs encoding, respectively Horr et al.
Furthermore, the dissociation between semantic and visual intuitions in depression may be related to the phenomenon that patients with depression tend to get caught in circles of rumination see Watkins and Teasdale, Rumination operates largely language-based and it may be suspected that during depression the language-based processing mode is under high loads which may become evident in poor performance in tasks that require this capacity.
Another important task-specific particularity that should be discussed is that the detection of a Gestalt in the visual coherence task requires the isolation of an object within a stimulus. As such, successful performance in the visual coherence task requires that subjects attend to what is already there the object within the blurred picture.
From the angle of PSI theory this process may be assigned to what Kuhl calls the object recognition system. Importantly, this system is specialized in isolating elements from the context.
In the semantic coherence task subjects focus on what is there, too: the three words written on the screen. However, in contrast to the object within the blurred picture in the visual coherence task, which is present during the task, the solution word the common denominator is not present on the screen in the semantic coherence task. Successful performance in the semantic coherence task thus requires letting the attention move away in order to integrate and finally use activated associations in the following judgment.
Unlike the detection of an object within the blurred picture, this processing sequence may be assigned the extension memory Kuhl, , a system that fosters the integration of single elements DEEP SALT FOAM into a coherent whole SEA via high-level intuitive holistic processing sequences and it is connected to the integrated self. Thus, in line with the theoretical assumptions in the foregoing, this extended memory system including the parallel-holistic, flexible processing sequences that it relies on seems to be impaired during depression.
Finally, yet importantly, the findings of enhanced visual coherence judgments during depression may further be embedded into research showing that negative mood — in general — fosters detail-oriented and early visual processing Bocanegra and Zeelenberg, For example, Phelps et al.
Furthermore, negative affective states have been shown to foster spatial working memory capacities whereas they impair verbal working memory capacities Gray, ; Storbeck, Concluding, a fine-grained analysis of stimulus features as well as of cognitive and emotional processes required for successful task performance can help to understand in how far different tasks eventually measure the same or distinct outcomes and how different task characteristics interact with psychological processes.
From the current evidence, it may be concluded that depressed individuals have impairments in intuitions that rely on flexible, associative processes of semantic spread, but that depression might have no or even a beneficial effect on visual processes and visual gestalt perception. If these findings were consolidated in future studies, important practical implications may be concluded.
For example, in therapeutic interventions it may be considered that depressed individuals have difficulties to recur on holistic semantic associations when solving problems. Supporting therapy sessions with visually based material, may thus be helpful in supporting patients to see the bigger picture and integrate information in a holistic manner. However, for the moment, we think that conclusions should be drawn with care as the empirical basis is not sufficiently robust.
Even though current findings suggest that in some instances intuitions are enhanced in depression whereas in others they are impaired, we think that a definitive conclusion would be premature. For example, we cannot conclude from the current studies whether impairments in other faculties such as analytical processes have influenced the operation of intuitive processes in the current studies.
Upcoming research would do well in examining the interplay between intuitive processes and rational-analytic processes that may also be impaired and biased in depression Beevers, In addition, future research should first of all elucidate the construct validity of the intuition tasks.
On the basis of these considerations, we will outline suggestions of future research that seeks to further elucidate the interplay between intuition and depression in the following. The investigation of intuition and depression is still in an early phase. Concluding from current findings it seems important that future research first of all elucidates whether different intuition tasks effectively measure the same psychological phenomena.
Furthermore, from the perspective of a continuous conceptualization of intuition Bowers et al. First, it should be explored whether the underlying process of semantic spreading activation is impaired in depression or whether this is intact, which would become obvious in successful performance in semantic priming tasks see Topolinski and Strack, a , c.
Moreover, it should be explored whether activation spread is negatively biased in depression. This could be examined by using affectively laden word triads. One assumption may be that negative word triads are processed more fluently in depression, which would result in better intuitive accuracy for negative stimuli compared to positive stimuli see Topolinski and Strack, a for stimulus pool. It should further be explored whether intuition deficits in depression are related to the diminished ability of depressed individuals to experience positive affect Heller et al.
This would be important to study as intuitive hunches have shown to be accompanied by subtle positive affective changes Topolinski and Strack, a , b and intuitive decision-making itself is boosted by emotional information Bolte et al.
Along this line, a recent study has found that especially people with affect regulation difficulties benefit from positive mood when taking intuitive decisions Maldei and Baumann, However, depressed individuals may have problems to make use or even experience these positive affective cues needed for intuitive decisions. In other words, whereas in healthy people intuitive decisions just feel right , depressed patients may lack the ability to experience such positive feelings of coherence.
This in turn may lead to less favorable decisions or no decision at all. Investigating these ideas would provide important insights on why depressed individuals struggle to come to decisions that feel right. Moreover, future investigations would do well in assessing also effortful, analytical decision-making capacities of depressed patients. It would be of interest to examine how impairments in one capacity influences the other.
For example, it should be explored whether intuitive processes are related to limitations in reasoning or working memory capacities. In addition, it should be explored to what extent the generation of irrelevant thoughts or ruminative processes impair intuitive decision-making, as for deliberate reasoning it has been shown that irrelevant thoughts elicited by negative mood impair performance Perham and Rosser, It has its place: it may increase the chance of survival by enabling us to anticipate serious threats and recognize promising opportunities.
But the slower thought system, by engaging critical thinking and analysis, is less susceptible to producing bad decisions. Kahneman, who acknowledges that both systems usually operate when people think, has described many ways that the intuitive system can cloud judgment. Consider, for example, the framing effect: the tendency to be influenced by the way a problem is posed or a question is asked.
In the s Kahneman and his colleague Amos Tversky presented a hypothetical public health problem to volunteers and framed the set of possible solutions in different ways to different volunteers. In all cases, the volunteers were told to imagine that the U. For one group, the choices were framed by Tversky and Kahneman in terms of gains—how many people would be saved:.
In this case, the vast majority of volunteers were willing to gamble and selected the second option, Program D. In fact, the options presented to both groups were the same: The first program would save people and lose The second program offered a one-in-three chance that everyone would live and a two-in-three chance that everyone would die. Framing the alternatives in terms of lives saved or lives lost is what made the difference.
When choices are framed in terms of gains, people often become risk-averse, whereas when choices are framed in terms of losses, people often became more willing to take risks. Other cognitive scientists argue that intuition can lead to effective decision-making more commonly than Kahneman suggests. He, too, says that people rarely make decisions on the basis of reason alone, especially when the problems faced are complex.
He views intuition as a form of unconscious intelligence. Intuitive decisions can be grounded in heuristics: simple rules of thumb. Heuristics screen out large amounts of information, thereby limiting how much needs to be processed. Such rules of thumb may be applied consciously, but in general we simply follow them without being aware that we are doing so.
Although they can lead to mistakes, as Kahneman points out, Gigerenzer emphasizes that they can be based on reliable information while leaving out unnecessary information. For example, an individual who wants to buy a good pair of running shoes might bypass research and brain work by simply purchasing the same running shoes used by an acquaintance who is an experienced runner. In one of their experiments, test subjects were asked to select which of the four cars was the best, taking into account four characteristics, among them gas consumption and luggage space.
One set of subjects had four minutes to think about the decision; another set was distracted by solving brainteasers. But if participants were asked to assess 12 characteristics, the opposite happened: undisturbed reflection had a negative effect on decision-making; only 25 percent selected the best car.
In contrast, 60 percent of the subjects distracted by brainteasers got it right. Investigators have been unable to replicate these findings, however. And in a review Ben R. Shanks of University College London concluded that the effect of intuition has been overrated by many researchers and that there is little evidence that conscious thought arrives at worse solutions in complex situations.
Of course, problems in the real world can be considerably more complicated than the artificially constructed ones often presented in laboratory experiments. In the late s this difference sparked the Naturalistic Decision Making movement, which seeks to determine how people make decisions in real life. With questionnaires, videos and observations, it studies how firefighters, nurses, managers and pilots use their experience to deal with challenging situations involving time pressure, uncertainty, unclear goals and organizational constraints.
Researchers in the field found that highly experienced individuals tend to compare patterns when making decisions. They are able to recognize regularities, repetitions and similarities between the information available to them and their past experiences.
They then imagine how a given situation might play out. This combination enables them to make relevant decisions quickly and competently. It further became evident that the certainty of the decider did not necessarily increase with an increase in information. What decision were you considering? What happened after you sensed the feeling?
You can even start keeping an intuitional journal. Any time you get an intuitive hunch, record it on the journal, alongside how it made you feel and whether or not it was accurate.
By taking note of such cues and then analyzing what happened after, you will start getting an idea of what your intuition is trying to tell you. You will also gain a good understanding of when to rely on it and when to ignore it.
The subconscious mind does not like busy, noisy, environments. If you want to get in touch with insights coming from your subconscious mind, you need to find time every day to clear your mind of the multitude of thoughts that are constantly running through the mind. There are various techniques you can use to clear your mind — taking a mindful walk in the park, writing down your thoughts and reflections in a journal, meditation, gardening, or any other activity that allows you to focus on your mind.
Only after you clear your mind of the cacophony of thoughts will you be able to focus on deeper thoughts and feelings. Sometimes, our intuition speaks to us through our dreams.
Have you ever dreamt you were with somebody, only for that person to call you shortly after you wake up? That was your intuition speaking to you through a dream. By paying attention to your dreams, you can gain some insights into your inner thoughts and feelings. Instead, pay attention to how these events made you feel. This will give you a better idea of what your subconscious mind is trying to tell you. Writing down each dream and analyzing how it made you feel will make you better at keeping in touch with you inner self.
It might also teach you how to be a lucid dreamer. Have you ever planned to go ahead with something, then found yourself filled with doubt just before you did whatever it is you had planned to do? This is another example of your intuition talking to you. This does not mean that you should avoid taking action every time doubt crosses your mind. If you experience such doubts, take some time to explore the reason behind the doubt. Is there something you overlooked? Analyze your course of action again and make sure that you have taken every important thing into consideration.
You can also hone your intuition by engaging in intuitive exercises. There are several types of intuitive exercises, such as playing with angel or tarot cards, using crystals to enhance your intuition or blind reading. The beauty of it is that our intuition keeps growing and developing as we go through life. By learning how to harness and use our intuition, we can become better at making decisions, with successful outcomes most times.
To make matters even better, intuition can be applied both in our personal as well as professional lives. However, we should also note that our intuition can be wrong in some cases. The best option, therefore, is to use intuition to complement our rational decision making processes, rather than relying on it alone. E-mail is already registered on the site. Please use the Login form or enter another. You entered an incorrect username or password.
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