You can submit your request via fax, email, US Postal Service or in person. Voters can also request an absentee ballot online at My Vote WI. In-person absentee voting runs on weekdays for two weeks before an election. Per state law, no absentee voting or voter registration is permitted on the Monday before an election. Register to vote early to avoid lines on election day. If you are a first time voter, moved or changed your name, you must register to vote.
You can check your registration status and register online or register in person at the Civic Center. Candidates for local offices must file ballot access forms with their local clerk. The first day for candidates to circulate nomination papers for a Spring Election is December 1. A candidate must collect a minimum of 20 signatures, but not more than to have their name successfully placed on the Spring Ballot. All forms are all available from the Wisconsin Elections Commission or downloaded here.
To be a registered write-in candidate for an election, all local office candidates must file a Campaign Registration Statement with their local clerk by p. Candidate Eligibility. An election will be held in the Village of Sussex on Tuesday, April 5, to elect two Village Trustee positions village-wide. If a primary is necessary, the primary will be held on Tuesday, February 15, The three year terms for Trustee begin Tuesday, April 19, If you are an incumbent and decide against running, you must file a Notification of Non-Candidacy Form.
All candidates must file a campaign finance statement upon formulating your intent to run for public office, however you may not circulate nomination papers until Wednesday, December 1, and the deadline for filing nomination papers is pm.
The State of Wisconsin requires a photo ID to vote. With less than 3 percent of Wisconsin's voting-aged population, though, the total number of votes cast for Trump in these counties was not enough to tip the state over to a Republican win by themselves.
In counties housing small urban centers, Trump's performance was considerably stronger compared to Romney's. In counties housing and medium-sized urban centers and their suburbs, Trump also performed modestly better than Romney.
Since these counties in aggregate are home to one quarter of the Wisconsin electorate, they were critical to Trump's victory. Meanwhile, Trump actually picked up fewer votes than Romney on average in the state's metro-area counties. However, since Democratic votes were overall down compared to , the strength of Trump's performance in the small and medium sized urbanized areas was enough to give him the win. A few anomalies in this pattern are worth closer examination.
Clinton did pick up more raw votes than Obama in in just three counties: Dane, Waukesha and Ozaukee. These are the three counties in Wisconsin with the highest educational attainment levels, and they are among the state's most affluent. This pattern suggests that the college-educated, suburban-to-urban dwelling affluent population were more likely to vote for Clinton than other population subgroups. This apparent anomaly may be explained in part by the relative ease with which a more affluent population was able to conform to new photo ID voting laws.
The only two counties where Clinton ended up with a higher total percentage of the vote, compared to Obama in , were Waukesha and Ozaukee. These are two of the three "WOW" counties along with Washington County that broadly include many conservative-leaning suburbs of Milwaukee. These three counties also saw much higher levels of support for Libertarian Party candidate Gary Johnson, who received more than , votes statewide.
In left-leaning Dane County, voter turnout was up slightly, even after considering an increase of over 18, people in its adult population since However, Clinton's percentages were actually down slightly compared to Obama's in , at 70 and 71 percent of the county's total vote, respectively.
Although the voting-age population of Dane County grew substantially, those additional votes look to have gone to third-party candidates and not to Trump. Still, Clinton was the clear winner in Dane County. Her relatively strong performance in Dane and Milwaukee counties compared to the rest of the state as a whole — and especially the conservative suburbs of the state's urban centers — follows a longstanding pattern of growing partisan divisions in Wisconsin. In the counties with larger urban centers and the suburban parts of southern Wisconsin, it appears that voters all around weren't happy with their party's candidate.
The voting data indicate overall voter turnout was generally down, Trump did not perform as well as Romney did in , Clinton's support was underwhelming compared to Obama's, and third-party candidates did very well compared to the last several presidential elections. In Ozaukee County, for example, third-party candidates picked up 7 percent of the vote — compared to 1 percent in Overall, votes for third-party candidates were up percent in Wisconsin as compared to , and almost percent in the metro areas.
The fact that most of those votes went to Gary Johnson — a former Republican governor of New Mexico — suggests that they were cast by conservative-leaning voters who did not favor Trump and not erstwhile supporters of Democratic candidates. The Green Party candidate, Jill Stein, picked up nearly 31, votes, a higher number than her numbers — but this increase was by a smaller margin. Overall, this close examination of the county-level results of the Wisconsin presidential race in shows three main trends that each contributed to the final outcome in the state.
The first trend is voter turnout, which was down statewide. Trump obtained about as many total votes as Romney did in , but Clinton got far fewer compared to Obama's performance.
Low voter turnout was most pronounced in the major metro areas and their adjacent suburbs — especially Milwaukee, which house the largest share of Wisconsin's voters. The second trend is that Trump outperformed expectations set by Romney's run as well as by most poll findings. His win, however, was uneven across the state. In rural areas, the Republican showing was stronger than in , but the total number of votes did not alone make the difference in Wisconsin's 10 electoral votes for Polling place closures did reduce turnout in the primary election.
The table above indicates that turnout in Milwaukee City was depressed by roughly 8. Considering that 26 percent of our control voters cast a ballot, this implies that polling place closures in the city reduced turnout by a third.
Of particular note, we found that this effect was larger for Black voters. Although polling place consolidation decreased turnout among non-Black voters by around 8. The serious depressive effects uncovered in Milwaukee — and the racial disparities within them — are cause for concern.
Clearly, not all voters who prefer voting in person will seamlessly transition to vote by mail. We cannot know whether Milwaukee residents cast fewer ballots because they were unfamiliar with the mail voting process did not trust it, or were prevented from voting in person because of the long lines.
It is also possible that Black voters cast mail ballots at similar rates as other voters but had them rejected at higher rates , thereby reducing their effective turnout. However, given the magnitude of the effect, it is unlikely that this accounts for the full difference.
If it can be generalized to the rest of the country, polling place closures will come at the expense of voter turnout — and particularly the turnout of Black Americans. Moreover, a recently released Brennan Center report shows that fewer polling places lead to longer lines to vote, meaning that widespread closures might make casting a ballot harder for in-person voters.
If we care about the representation of nonwhite voters and voters wary of casting mail ballots, we must ensure that there are safe in-person options this fall. Explore Our Work. However, despite this surge in absentee voting, we find that polling place consolidation reduced turnout by 8.
0コメント